The "Lower 48" label has long been one of the sharpest barbs in Alaska politics — an accusation that a candidate takes marching orders from powerful forces in the contiguous United States rather than standing up for Alaskans. It has become a defining theme of Alaska's U.S. Senate race, one of a handful of contests expected to determine control of the chamber in the November elections.

Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan's campaign has turned the label into a key attack line against Democrat Mary Peltola, a former congresswoman. Sullivan lumps her in with "Lower 48 liberals" who have opposed expanded oil and gas drilling in a state that has relied heavily on the industry for decades.

Peltola, an Alaska Native, has countered that she "took on" then-President Joe Biden, a fellow Democrat, to help win approval in 2023 of the huge Willow oil project, which environmentalists strongly opposed. She also says she will "take on anyone, including Democrats — anyone in the Lower 48 who't understand what Alaska needs."

An Insult Rooted in Alaska's Identity

The pejorative label draws its force from the mystique surrounding Alaska, which outsiders often call "The Last Frontier." A state for less than 70 years, Alaska is renowned for its natural beauty, wildlife, and vast landscapes. Its rural nature — isolated from the rest of the country, with many communities accessible only by air or water — breeds a self-reliance. Many residents hunt and fish to fill their freezers for winter and take pride in their independence.

Both major Senate campaigns and some third-party groups have leaned into that sentiment — that Alaska is different — casting their candidates as authentic voices for Alaskans.

"We love the persona Alaska is a tough place to live," said Republican Andrew Halcro, a political podcast host and former state lawmaker who has lived in the state nearly all his life.

A Love-Hate Relationship With Washington

Alaska, rich in natural resources, has long had a love-hate relationship with the federal government, which owns about 60% of the state's land. That relationship has been especially strained under Democratic presidential administrations that have sought to restrict logging, mining, and the availability of areas for oil and gas development over environmental concerns.

Policies can shift dramatically from one administration to the next. The Democratic Obama and Biden administrations banned leasing on roughly half the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, which is home to wildlife such as caribou and polar bears and provides habitat for millions of migrating birds. Republican President Donald Trump's administration has rolled back those and other restrictions as part of a broader push for expanded oil and gas development in Alaska. The administration is also supporting lease sales in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.

The state has also bristled at Democratic efforts to stifle road building and logging in areas such as the Tongass National Forest, a temperate rainforest in southeast Alaska — a dispute that dates to the Clinton administration.

Alaska's share of royalty revenue from oil and minerals on federal land has been another ongoing source of tension. Some lawmakers say the state was promised a larger share at statehood and that the federal government has failed to uphold its end of the deal.

While oil production is a fraction of what it was at its peak in the late 1980s and has fallen in recent years, political leaders have pointed to signs of a turnaround. They cite, in part, strong interest from major companies that snatched up leases in a sale earlier this year for the petroleum reserve, home to the Willow project.

With so much of the state's land — and so much of its economic life — subject to decisions made in Washington, the contest over who authentically speaks for Alaska carries stakes that reach well beyond campaign rhetoric.

Fuel Prices Hit Home

Alaska communities have been hit hard by spikes in fuel prices caused by the Iran war. That is especially true for remote communities that must have their fuel flown in or delivered by barge before the rivers ice over.

Oil development is the top issue in this year's election for Darryl Hugo, who lives in the small North Slope community of Anaktuvuk Pass. He is backing Sullivan and notes that revenue from oil development is largely responsible for his town's health clinic, school, police and fire departments, and water system.

"My region's economy depends on oil," he said via a messaging app.

Robert Sewell, an independent from the Juneau area, said he sees the "Lower 48" taunts and Peltola's efforts to distance herself from national Democrats as examples of the candidates "fighting to establish who is the real spokesperson for the real Alaska." He likens it a bit to the schoolyard jeer, "I know you are, but what am I?"

Declined Endorsements and Kept Distances

During her unsuccessful 2024 congressional reelection campaign, Peltola refused to endorse Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris and said she would not vote for Trump. This year, before Alaska's August primary, Harris sent a fundraising appeal that offered support to Peltola.

In response, Peltola's campaign told reporters that she "isn't seeking endorsements from anyone from the Lower 48."

In videos highlighting her backing of the Willow oil project, Peltola has said she will work with Trump, who handily carried Alaska each of the three times he has run, to advance more oil and gas projects.

"I took on Joe Biden to secure the largest development project in decades," she said in one video on social media. "And I'll work with Donald Trump on more."

Sewell, a Peltola supporter, said he does not begrudge that position. He said he does not think "for one moment that she likes Trump or Trump's agendas" on other issues.

Two Very Different Paths to 'Authentic Alaskan'

Peltola, who is Yup'ik, is among the roughly 43% of Alaskans born in the state. She grew up fishing on the Kuskokwim River in western Alaska and prominently displays fishing photos on her website. Her campaign slogan, "Fish, Family, Freedom," is intended to appeal to what she believes are Alaskans' shared values.

Sullivan, originally from Ohio, came to Alaska in the late 1990s, when he was in his early 30s. Now a retired Marine, he served as Alaska attorney general and natural resources commissioner, and was an assistant secretary of state in President George W. Bush's administration.

Sullivan spokesperson Nate Adams said that for the senator, "being an Alaskan means loving this state, fighting everyday for his fellow Alaskans and making sure Alaskans, not Lower 48 liberals, decide our future."

The SLF PAC, which supports a Republican Senate majority, has been keying in on that theme. In one of its ads, a speaker says of Peltola, "They dress her up, throw her out on a stream somewhere, make her look like an Alaskan." Another says: "Mary Peltola sounds like Alaska, but toes a different line in Washington, D.C." That outside involvement reflects the national stakes: with the contest expected to help determine Senate control, both parties and their allies have strong incentives to shape how Alaska voters see each candidate.

Peltola's campaign said Alaskans "won't be fooled by mudslinging ads." In a statement, her campaign sought to link Sullivan with "Lower 48 special interest donors."

Halcro said Alaskans have been inundated with such ads and flyers, but he is not sure the messaging over which candidate aligns less with the "Lower 48" is one voters want to hear this year.

"It's all of this stuff just to make us angry at a time where we really genuinely, genuinely just need stability," he said. "We just need to elect somebody who's not going to break anything."

How that message ultimately resonates will become clear when Alaskans cast their ballots in November.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.