President Donald Trump appears to be laying the groundwork to scapegoat the Republican Party for possible election failures — anything other than himself, argued Jennifer Rubin, editor-in-chief of The Contrarian.

This week, Trump reposted an anti-GOP screed that read: "I don't think the GOP fully grasped how badly they are f—— up right now. I'm talking to people who normally have zero interest in politics who are legitimately pissed off. They're not seeing the major reform they thought would happen and are really mad about it. I'm very worried the GOP is sleepwalking toward a midterm reckoning they don't see coming."

Rubin and Greg Sargent of The New Republic reacted to the post during an appearance on Sargent's Friday podcast (The New Republic).

The analysts argued that the political problems confronting the GOP stem from Trump's own policies — tariffs, the Iran war, mounting debt, and what they described as chaos across federal agencies. Rather than acknowledging that his decisions carry costs, however, Trump is amplifying complaints that Republicans have failed him.

Trump's newly announced strategy is to run a slew of ads promoting himself and his accomplishments. In effect, Sargent argued, he intends to defend Republicans by spotlighting everything he has done that damaged the economy — an outright "self-own," in Sargent's words.

"I think our work is done here, Greg. Perhaps you just have this guy on your show," Rubin joked. "He perfectly embodies the reality, which is: the Republicans have f—— up. They've done nothing. Now, the irony, of course, is that they've just deferred to Trump. And Trump's the one who's done nothing. Trump is the one who has raised prices with tariffs."

"Trump's the one who started a war that no one wanted," Rubin continued. "Trump is the one who has made hash out of every government agency. So, yes, on one hand, the Republicans are to blame. But they're to blame because they have blindly followed Trump into one blind alley after another."

Trump believes Republicans "slow-walked" his agenda and that failures flow from insufficient loyalty to him. Republicans want the midterms focused on Congress, local candidates, or attacks on Democrats; Trump instead wants an election centered on his own record. That tension carries real stakes: midterm elections have historically been referendums on the sitting president, and the party holding the White House has lost congressional seats in nearly every midterm since the Second World War — a pattern that makes a president actively steering attention toward his own record an unusual strategic choice.

Sargent and Rubin identified a central political contradiction: congressional Republicans have largely followed Trump's priorities, yet Trump treats them as the culprits for the administration's disappointing results. In their view, Trump is blaming the party because he anticipates defeat and cannot accept personal responsibility.

Rubin pointed to the inconsistency of Trump declaring a "golden age" for the economy while simultaneously amplifying claims that the GOP has failed to deliver. She framed this as a preemptive effort to distance himself from a looming loss: first blame election fraud, then blame the party — but never concede that his own tariffs raised prices, his war choices created instability, or his agenda alienated voters.

Trump's messaging could damage Republicans before Election Day even arrives. When he tells reporters that his supporters are "angry at Republicans" but "not angry at me," the discussion interpreted it as a signal to MAGA voters that Republican candidates do not deserve their turnout.

"It's a thing of beauty that they're going to get screwed by this too," Sargent said. "By the way, there's another element to this that people are missing, I think. The screed from this guy that Trump amplified also said this: 'No meaningful decrease in the deficit. People are p—— off that they voted Trump into office, and then the GOP continues to slow-walk every reform people want.'"

Rubin agreed, noting that Republicans once positioned themselves as deficit hawks, yet over the past 25 years it has become clear that the only presidents lowering the deficit have been Democrats.

The dynamic is especially risky in close Senate races in deeply Republican states such as Texas, Alaska, Iowa, and Ohio, where GOP candidates depend on highly motivated Trump voters. By fostering the belief that the party has betrayed his supporters, Trump may depress the very turnout Republicans need.

The speakers further argued that Trump's instinctive remedy — spending super PAC money on ads celebrating Trump himself — could only make matters worse. With his approval ratings at historic lows and his standing weak on major issues, Sargent and Rubin suggested a Trump-centered campaign amounts to almost an "in-kind gift" to Democrats.

It is a trap of Trump's own making. To win back alienated MAGA voters, he may have to sharpen his rhetoric and promote unpopular policies — moves that could further repel independents, moderates, Latino voters, and younger voters — the very coalition groups that决定 swing races.

Still, Rubin cautioned Democrats against complacency even with Republicans on the defensive. Senate races remain close, gerrymandering limits House pickup opportunities, and confusion around voting rules could suppress turnout because people simply do not want to deal with it.

Either way, Trump's attempt to save himself by throwing his party under the bus may end up deepening the GOP's electoral crisis.